Although charcoaling a living tree is forbidden in all tribal groups, to do

so is a powerful temptation to resist because charcoal means money for poor people. Ma‘aza people continued charcoaling until what they described selleck screening library as a decade-long drought afflicted them during the 1950s. As ephemeral pasture failed altogether in their homeland and adjacent Ababda lands to the south, they recognized that their acacia reserves were critically low. Numerous families left the desert and settled around the eastern margin of the Nile Valley opposite Beni Suef during the drought, but those who remained adopted a complete ban against cutting larger branches and fed their animals mainly with shaken leaves and pods. The Ma‘aza took a number of steps to keep their existing acacia resources and stave off destruction of living trees. One was to emphasize Evofosfamide nmr territorial and kinship rights and responsibilities to acacias based more on lineage (a sub-clan), household and CFTRinh-172 chemical structure individual than on tribe and clan. Acacias that belonged collectively to clan members remained so nominally but were subdivided into effective properties of their families, according to rights within traditional law (‘urf Ar.). They proclaimed protected groves of trees on a family-by-family,

wadi-by-wadi basis (Hobbs 1989). The claimant’s direct male descendants, and thus eventually his entire lineage, became responsible for protection in the future. These ‘lineage preserves’ were intended to serve as a kind of drought insurance that would protect the desert way of life in any future emergency. Ma‘aza people today insist that acacia trees rescued them and enabled their way of life to survive the 1950s. Due to

push and pull factors driving and drawing Ma‘aza people out of the desert, that way of life has all but ended. As recently as the 1980s many hundreds of Ma‘aza tribespeople, mostly of the Khushmaan clan, practiced nomadic pastoralism. Only a handful of families do so today. With another prolonged dry spell and a boom in Red Sea tourism in the 1990s, most of the desert-dwellers were drawn into a state of “soft sedentarization” at 14 encampments Arachidonate 15-lipoxygenase (mahatta) on the coastal plain near Hurghada (Hobbs and Tsunemi 2007). Egyptian guides bring international tourists on half day “safaris” from beach hotels to see “how the real Bedouin live”. In 2013, on the eve of the coup and subsequent violence that wracked Egypt’s tourism industry, about 200 Ma‘aza families were encamped at these sites. A few kept sheep and goats in penned areas there, but most of their income came from tourism at the stations and from wage labor in Hurghada. Acacias on the cultural landscape of the Ma‘aza at present have several distinctive features. While their numbers are small compared with populations further south, there are several dispersed groves of trees.